Sordid little stories: of class and living poor

Somewhere just west of Calgary, Alberta, listening to Meadowlarks at the roadside.

When I was 17 years old, my family’s car was repossessed. It happened at night, the Dodge sedan my parents had bought used towed away late one evening while we were watching TV.

Cars get repossessed when their owner—who doesn’t really own the car yet, just pays for it—misses enough car payments in a row. For the Dodge, the payments were around $60 a month, an amount my parents often couldn’t afford for the same reason we never bought new clothes and my sisters and me were fed via the federal government’s free school lunch program: for most of my childhood, we lived with an income below the already absurdly low official poverty line. That is, we were poor.

I’ve thought a lot about what to write in this essay, and the more I’ve thought about it the more it seemed to fall apart under my pen. There’s a way of sharing one’s personal life that invites people in, another that almost pushes them away with its need to scream “understand me!” and something in between that falls too much into apology. Lauren Hough has described the former along the lines of, it’s not about telling the story, it’s about figuring out “how to write what it felt like to be you.” I tried to take that advice to heart when writing for Aeon about childhood trauma, but in this case, it feels trickier.

I spent all of my upbringing poor, and struggled financially for many years after that. In more recent years, I was buoyed by a spouse who grew up in Britain equally poor but who had the skills and interest to land in a professional field—cybersecurity and data privacy—that promised a solid income. His constant work travel and resistance to recalibrating parenting and household duties meant that it was his income—which was much higher than mine and, unlike mine, includes health insurance—I ended up relying on for stability. Which has led to me not-so-sarcastically chiding myself many times over the last year with the unkind reminder online pundits give to tradwives: a man is not a plan.

In the year since our divorce was finalized, I’ve spent many sleepless midnights, feeling the tangible reality, often the terror, of financial insecurity. Not because it’s foreign to me, but because it’s far too familiar.


“We had food,” I said to my older sister over the phone, trying to untangle the visceral knot of fear about being able to feed my kids, and my own sense of worry about whether and when I’d eat. I couldn’t figure out exactly where that fear was coming from. Federal food stamps—now known in the U.S. as the SNAP program—didn’t cover enough to feed a family in the 1980s (it covers even less now), but our parents hunted deer and elk, which were our only meat, and our mother gardened, giving me a lifelong loathing of eggplant but at least providing us with vegetables and berries during Montana’s short growing season; and she knew how to can and preserve food, extending the garden’s lifespan into winter.

We had food, my older sister said, but we were generally on our own until dinnertime and the poor quality, carbohydrate heavy food provided in the free school lunch program wasn’t enough to get growing kids through the day, especially after a breakfast that usually involved cereal, powdered milk, and as much sugar as we felt like pouring on because sugar was cheap and we were always on our own in the mornings. She remembers being hungry constantly and dinner was, in our house with its daily violence and often hours of our mother’s screaming, a time of stress, anxiety, and, regularly, tears and loss of appetite.

I knew we were poor and I’m aware of it now. But it wasn’t until we moved to a Montana town (the one I currently live in) with noticeable wealth that I consciously felt the lack that comes from being poor, as if there were something wrong, something lesser, not just with our family income, but with me as a human being.

Until then, everywhere we’d lived it seemed that almost everyone was in the same financial situation my family was in, even if they weren’t moving to a new rental every year and a new school nearly as often.

In this new town where I ended up graduating high school and making lifelong friends, my upbringing of poverty, abuse and neglect was glaringly different, even if I wasn’t consciously aware of it at the time. One of the boys I dated, whose family was comparatively well off, used to make personal comments that I only realized years later were reflective of my socioeconomic status. He didn’t mean to be derogatory, and neither of us would have had the language for it at the time: what my lack of access to dental care meant, or why my $5 thrift store skirts and hand-me-down T-shirts weren’t fashion choices but rather an effort to dress myself with some sense of personality and within the school’s dress code but with little money. He had as many brand-new clothes as he wanted, and his own car, which was never at risk of being repossessed.

He took me out for dinner once to a nice restaurant, and I didn’t realize that it was a joke for him and another friend to go to this place and only order soup. I didn’t only order soup. I was hungry.

It wasn’t until the last few years, through many conversations with the writer Kathleen McLaughlin and reading her extensive work on class and the American precariat, including her incredible book Blood Money, that I had a language for understanding what my own experiences reflected about my family’s life within the broader society.

Since coming to know Kathleen and her work, I’ve thought a lot more about how class issues play out in America, and how easy they are to erase, especially when most people within widely read and widely published media come from wealth or at least the upper middle class. It’s a running joke online how many times we can see a story about a 30- or 20-something-year-old person who paid off their student loans and bought a house “all by herself” except it turns out a parent or grandparent gave them a down payment for the house, or paid off their student loans, or supported them financially so they could take a high-profile but unpaid internship in publishing.

Having a cushion of financial support affects not just a person’s access to health care and education and functional cars and food for their kids and the kinds of jobs and vocations they can pursue, but their lives at all levels of existential crisis.


Last year, drowning in constant worry about how to support myself and my kids, I tried anti-depressant medication for the first time.

I’ve always struggled with depression, but during my 26-year marriage I realized that comparative financial security created a buffer for depression and worry that was almost tangible. I used to tell my older sister I could feel it—the soft landing beneath me when I couldn’t cope, or hadn’t had a freelance editing job for a while. Every time our kids needed new shoes and I could just buy them new shoes, I felt the gratitude of that, what a fortunate thing it was to be able to get them shoes and clothes when they needed them—even ski lessons and Legos. And when I was depressed, I could take a few days to walk and spend time in nature and go to the gym and garden, all the activities that have been shown to help with depression and anxiety but that a person needs time and access to even try.

Those extra privileges—ski lessons, Legos, time off—took some juggling, but they were possible and, I constantly thought, how incredible is that?

Since getting divorced and walking knowingly into a drastically different financial situation, my considerations around economic security have become the same: drastically different. The fear brought by financial precarity is constant, and I can feel the way it feeds, and feeds off of, depression that I can’t always alleviate. (The medication trial only lasted four months; I turn out to be one of those people who has bad side effects with pretty much every mental health medication available).

There is research to back up lived experiences of the relationship between mental health and worries about money. One of my favorite Universal Basic Income trials to cite is Stockton, California’s. Objections to UBI often point to trials in countries like Finland and Canada, saying it could never work in the U.S. because the cultures of those countries is fundamentally different (the word “culture” is carrying a lot of water here, and the history of Scandinavian countries’ turn to robust social welfare programs, which Garrett Bucks has written about, shows that culture can be changed). Stockton is located in a huge agricultural region of California whose median income is far below the more well-known and wealthier coastal parts of the state. Its UBI experiment showed that an extra $500 a month in a low-income household not only provided more food and housing stability, but decreased diagnoses of depression and anxiety among those who received it.

When your skin crawls with anxiety over how to feed your kids because you’ve run out of money for the month, or you had to delay a needed doctor visit because you couldn’t afford the medical bills, or you don’t know if you’ll be able to make rent next month, and if you can’t, don’t know where you’ll go; when the fear turns to depression and you move between not being able to sleep and not wanting to do anything but sleep, you know better than any economic analyst or highly paid political commentator what it feels like to never have enough.

I’ve been thinking a lot about what it was like for my parents raising three girls and constantly moving either for work or housing. Over the last year, maintaining a foundation of safety and care for my kids has been my top priority. The financial support from their dad isn’t even close to enough to cover rent and groceries and accumulating bills, and the worry feels corrosive. For my parents, it must have been far worse. Yet for all the other problems my family had, for all the abuse and violence and belittling far into the night, my memory is that they did the best they could to provide a basic physical structure that gave us a roof to sleep under and something to fill our bellies, even if a lot of it was sugar.

Trying to maintain stability—both physical and psychological—for my own kids while moving from one home to another, and then doing it again in less than a year, has brought up memories of childhood I thought were buried, or at least dissipated. But the financial reality of life on my own versus with my ex-husband has forced me to see what’s behind the very real but also overwhelming fears: The apartment we lived in where I slept on the floor next to the kitchen and my younger sister on the floor of the one bedroom, all of my possessions (which mainly consisted of some plastic bracelets and a set of Patricia C. Wrede’s Lyra novels) in one small box; the exhaustion of once again packing up our family’s boxes to move to another rental; my younger sister’s description of the expression on the school receptionist’s face when my sister turned in her free school lunch application form and the receptionist read our family income.

The car getting repossessed, a landlord’s anger when we didn’t leave a place clean enough or quickly enough, the depression I sank into when, in college, I had to refuse an offer for an unpaid editorial internship at a literary magazine because my waitressing job took too much time and I needed the money. The time my father was arrested for not having paid a traffic fine.


My finances now aren’t quite as dire as my brain wants me to believe—our amicable mediated divorce and my ex’s willingness to continue sharing the garden and to co-sign so I could qualify for a housing loan makes me feel, again, fortunate—but the familiar fear turns out to have been dormant rather than dead.

The town I live in is known throughout Montana as one with incredible wealth. The influx of extreme money is relatively recent, but even when my family moved here in 1992, when I was 16, it was known as a place with more money on average than the rest of the state. The desire now of literal billionaires and multi-millionaire vacation homeowners to buy land and buildings here has had very real consequences for housing affordability and the health of the community, even though there are a few notable people putting effort and money into mitigating those consequences.

As attached as I am to this place and my community, I’ve eyed the year my youngest kid will finally graduate from high school and considered whether I’ll need to move simply due to the cost of living.

The undeniable wealth where I live also brings on derision from outside the town, but my experiences living and raising my kids here include the many, many hours I’ve spent volunteering in the schools and knowing intimately how many kids go home with bags of what’s known as Friday food—food to get kids on the free lunch program through the weekend. The program in my town alone is enormous and might shock anyone who looks at this community and sees only wealth.

Even when the Friday food bags aren’t visible, I see those kids partly because I see myself in them. The faded winter coat from the thrift store that’s a little too short in the arms but needs to last another season, the broken-soled shoes, the mornings before school spent alone with a television or video games for company and some form of sugar for food, the lack of participation in programs like team sports or theater because you’re a bus kid and have no way to get home if you stay longer after school. My high school love for debate was fostered partly because the very kind debate and speech coaches lived near me and often gave me rides. It might even be partly why I was so drawn to writing about walking—I knew too well that car dependence is expensive and restricting.

The fear of not having enough money to live on sinks into the marrow. I’ve wondered recently if I never truly felt financial stability while married, if I was simply waiting for the other shoe to drop even when we’d finally reached a point where I could stop juggling credit card balance transfers. And when the shoe did drop, some subconscious part of me said, “Here, you see? This is where you’re meant to live.”


Class issues come with shame as well as fears about survival. When my ex-husband’s new girlfriend, who comes from a much higher socioeconomic class, came to visit and meet the kids a couple months ago, I gave myself an evening to indulge in my feelings about it. I cried all night, texting with a close friend, and the next day I realized the grief was only in part about mourning our relationship. The rest of it was feeling once again, as I had with my boyfriend in high school and on many other occasions, the invisibility and shame that comes from being, or at least having grown up, poor.

I read Betty Smith’s classic novel A Tree Grows in Brooklyn so many decades ago that I barely remember the plot. But the passage where Francie’s teacher is giving Francie feedback on her stories without knowing they depict her family’s poverty, has always stuck with me:

“Now that we’ve talked things out, I’m sure you’ll stop writing these sordid little stories.”

Sordid. Francie turned the word over. It was not in her vocabulary. “What does that mean—sordid?”

“What-did-I-tell-you-when-you-don’t-know-a-word,” sing-songed Miss Garnder drolly.

“Oh! I forgot.” Francie went to the big dictionary and looked up the word. Sordid: Filthy. Filthy? She thought of her father wearing a fresh dicky and collar every day of his life and shining his worn shoes as often as twice a day. Dirty. . . . Gross . . . Also mean and low. . . .

Her face got hot. She couldn’t see the next words because the page turned red under her eyes. She turned on Miss Garnder, her face twisted with fury.

“Don’t you ever dare use that word about us!”

“Us?” asked Miss Garnder blankly. “We were talking about your composition.” . . .

Walking home from school, Francie began to understand that her life might seem revolting to some educated people. She wondered, when she got educated, whether she’d be ashamed of her background.

It’s easy to tell someone there’s nothing to be ashamed of, that there’s no reason to feel shame, but every single societal structure in the dominant culture for the past several thousand years has said otherwise. It’s only in times of rebellion, like the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 and centuries of mass resistance against enclosures of the commons, and violent revolutions like the Russian Revolution of 1917, which eventually resulted in the death by starvation of millions, that lip service is paid to the damage done by class-based systems. That being poor is not a personal failing.

But the aftermath of those revolts has shown that it’s still just that: lip service. King Richard II made his and his class’s sentiments clear to the rebelling peasants in 1381 when he said:

“You wretches detestable on land and sea: you who seek equality with lords are unworthy to live. Give this message to your colleagues: rustics you were and rustics you are still; you will remain in bondage, not as before, but incomparably harsher. For as long as we live we shall strive to suppress you, and your misery will be an example in the eyes of posterity. However, we will spare your lives if you remain faithful and loyal. Choose now which course you want to follow.”

Richard did not, in fact, spare their lives no matter what loyalty they expressed. He had every rebel, known or suspected, murdered.

Even the U.S.’s New Deal programs that reformed wealth inequality and boosted working class solidarity in the 1930s only lasted a few decades. A few changes in tax policy and we’re right back to a version of the Gilded Age that preceded the Great Depression, along with the idea that being poor is purely the result of personal choices.

The class structures rebuild themselves and the shame along with them. I don’t think that’s a reality that’s easily shaken off. I’ve written before about the echoes in rhetoric between how people view homelessness now and how the condition of being a legal vagabond was described in 15th-century England—a condition that was most often caused by theft of one’s home through enclosures of the commons, and that at times and by royal decree resulted in enslavement.

No matter how progressive any of us think we are, there remains a lurking belief that someone can avoid poverty by working harder, eating better, not having sex, marrying more intelligently, or simply by being someone other than who we are.

The power of wealth and class has to be reformed at a tax and compensation level, but also at the level of society’s values—even the subconscious ones.

I have a car now that is unlikely to ever be repossessed, mostly because it’s 16 years old, is paid off, and has over 213,000 miles on it. I’m hoping to keep it going to 300,000 because it’s hard to envision a future where I can afford a new one. Given the realities of America’s economy—and many other countries’ economies—outside what large media outlets report of a booming stock market that benefits only a small percentage of people, I know I’m far from alone.

Even if I’m better off now than my family was while I was growing up, that identity is still there, waiting for me to accept it back.

Wealth knows best

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Resistance often starts with property

My first semester of college, I had a neighbor who had a nice stereo system. I don’t know anything about stereo systems so I had to take her word for it that it was nice, or at least expensive.

My neighbor set up her CD player and speakers inside her closet, against the interior wall that separated it from my closet, and when she played music loudly, which she liked to do, especially at night, it thumped right into my room. Sometimes I asked her to turn it down, and at one point asked if, in general, she could not turn the volume so high because it was just as loud in my room as it was in hers. Or if she could even just keep it off at night.

Her response was one of my first encounters with the particular kind of entitlement that comes with having money: “What’s the point of having a nice stereo system if you can’t play it?”

I remember struggling with a vague feeling of injustice, of thinking about shared space and why her right to play her pricey stereo system shouldn’t come at the expense of my right to quiet, or sleep. I didn’t have vocabulary for that feeling until many years later, not until I’d lived overseas for a while, gotten married, and moved back to the U.S. to bumble around inarticulately and angrily liberal during the entirety of the George W. Bush administration in the early 2000s. I’m still liberal and often angrily so, but I hope more articulate.

Entitlement is a vague thing to try to pin down, an unvocalized feeling that one person, or group of people, has more of a right to exist, to take up space and air and attention, than other people. It is often accompanied by an expansive idea of ownership, a feeling that the fact of possession, whether of property or money or achievement or identity, implies a right to the unconstrained use of the thing possessed, no matter how the possession was gained or at whose expense it’s employed.

Being wealthy is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition for entitlement—some of the people I know who act most entitled do so due to their status, professional success, identity, or sense of grievance—but they do often seem to correlate. Wealth entitlement infects our civic and social life and the functions of our political and social systems at every level. Why buy an expensive car if you’re not allowed to drive as fast as possible wherever you like? Why own land if you can’t mine it, or build a plastics factory on it, or claim ownership of all wildlife who happen to live on it? Why finance a politician’s political campaign if you can’t use their influence to forward your own interests?

Patrick Wyman, host of the Tides of History podcast and related newsletter, was on an episode of TrashFuture a few years ago talking about some of these issues, and he said quite a few things about wealth entitlement that have stuck with me:

“It’s very hard for them to accept the fact that the system that produced them and made them people who matter, people whose needs and whims are catered to and who feel like they have some positive role to play in society—the idea that the systems that put them where they are might somehow be bad or might have negative consequences . . . it’s very hard to wrap their heads around.”

Wyman and the podcast hosts were discussing a kind of capitalism divide prevalent in the January 6, 2021, attempted U.S. insurrection and the movements leading up to it, which they said were partly a result of two different kinds of wealth opposed to each other: “the Davos guys versus the boat dealership guys,” a “revolt of the regional elites, the regional gentry.” An opposition that seems to have dissolved in the past couple of years in favor of shared purpose and the acquisition of unbelievable political power.

Who comprises regional gentry rather than the international über-wealthy is something Wyman got into in a newsletter he wrote about the kinds of wealth you see in the power players of small North American towns and mid-sized cities—not the ilk of the Koch and Mercer families, or the likes of Peter Thiel and Elon Musk, but people who run McDonald’s franchises or large local construction companies. People who are much better off than you’d think but who also work hard. People like car dealership owners, which made sense to me—the owner of the local Subaru and Chevy dealership where I live seems to be incredibly well off, and there’s no other place within hours to buy a Subaru. He’s also the former head of the Montana Republican Party, which I wouldn’t have minded so much if he hadn’t become more vocally right-wing and anti-democracy over the past several years.

These are people, Wyman pointed out, who derive their wealth from ownership of actual, physical assets rather than from salaries like a doctor or lawyer or hedge fund manager would. Their wealth is still more tied, if with thin and fraying threads, to their local communities than that of the billionaire class.

“Wherever they live, their wealth and connections make them influential forces within local society. . . . We’re not talking about international oligarchs; these folks’ wealth extends into the millions and tens of millions rather than the billions. There are, however, a lot more of them than the global elite that tends to get all of the attention. . . . It’s not hard to spot vast apple orchards or sprawling vineyards and figure out that the person who owns them is probably wealthy; it’s harder to intuitively grasp that a single family might own seventeen McDonald’s franchises in eastern Tennessee, or the kind of riches the ownership of the third-biggest construction company in Bakersfield might generate.”

It’s ownership, Wyman said, that creates the basic divide between the two kinds of ruling capital. “To what extent is ownership central to your identity? The more central ownership is, the more likely you are to fall on the right side of that spectrum.”

Wyman drew a solid line between different kinds of ownership—physical assets like an orchard versus, say, savings in a Swiss bank account—but that line has never really existed. Wealth and ownership morph into each other, both feeding the possessor’s sense of entitlement. Of deserving more than, being more than, other people, much less the rest of life.

I’m reminded of 19th-century British novels, Jane Austen in particular, and the class divide that the landed nobility tried to make between themselves and those who’d become wealthy through “trade.” It’s a line drawn through socioeconomic class that tries to maintain entitlement only for certain types of wealth: inherited wealth. But the truth is that all kinds of wealth provide opportunities to purchase and hoard power.

A real-life example of ownership, wealth and entitlement closer to the Davos end of the capital class was covered in a feature in High Country News in 2021: When Gunnison County, Colorado, tried to exile non-resident homeowners in the early months of the Covid-19 pandemic, those property owners (who tend to extreme wealth; David Koch owns a vacation home there) fought back with a breathtaking display of entitlement, rather than relying on either the law or a cooperative attempt to address the community’s concerns.

Whether banning non-resident homeowners from staying in their homes was a wise or legal choice for the county isn’t something I know enough about to comment on, but the homeowners’ responses reflected not arguments for what would be best for the community or even what their own legal rights were but what they personally felt entitled to no matter the consequences to anyone else.

In addition to setting up a PAC (political action committee, a non-profit created to fund political campaigns) to raise money to unseat county commissioners and replace them with more congenial candidates, a group of non-resident owners set up a private Facebook group as they worked against the ban, and some of the comments that have become public were . . . telling.

“‘People who rely on others for their livelihoods should not bite the hand that feeds them,’ wrote one second-home owner.”

“‘Where is the appreciation and gratitude for the decades of generosity?’ wrote another.”

“‘Maybe don’t run your mouth so much on social media when you depend on those people to help pay your bills,’ one Facebook commenter wrote.”

“According to the second-home owners,” wrote the author of the article, Nick Bowlin, “Gunnison County’s economic survival and most of its residents’ livelihoods depend on their economic contributions and continued goodwill.”

It’s easy to see the logic of this thinking, but it also shouldn’t take that much work to pause, for a moment, and comprehend more fully the expectations of those who see themselves not as integrated members of a community, but as generous and gracious people of means to whom local residents should be grateful—but also for whom the health of that community itself is a matter of choice and leisure rather than necessity. People who have no bonds to the community but still feel it owes them something.

When I buy books from the local bookstore, I don’t expect the clerks or owner to be grateful to me. I am part of my community, interdependent with it; the continued existence of the bookstore and the coffee shops and the library and all the small downtown businesses also make my life whole. I am grateful to them. It is their existence that makes our community thrive, along with the hard work and many non-monetary contributions of people who live here. When the non-resident homeowners of Gunnison County lambasted a local restaurant server who’d publicly disagreed with them—“One of those big mouths is slinging drinks for tips—I’ll be sure to leave her a little tip,” wrote one of the Facebook group’s members—it was clear that what those residents expected was not service but subservience.

Escaping this kind of landed gentry vs. villein, serf, or tenuous and beholden tenant relationship was exactly what originally drove so many people like my ancestors out of Europe and into North America.

We’ve been recreating feudalism under the guise of property rights right here, and it’s only getting worse.

Bowlin tried to talk about the wealth divide in Gunnison County with Jim Moran, who launched the PAC to attempt a takeover of the county commission and whose vacation home in Crested Butte was worth, according to Zillow (referenced in the article) at the time, $4.3 million:

“I pointed out Gunnison County’s housing shortage to Moran, who, from 2008-2011, was an advisor of the private equity firm Lone Star Funds—the biggest buyer of distressed mortgage securities in the world after the 2008 financial crisis. After the crash, the firm acquired billions in bad mortgages and aggressively foreclosed on thousands of homes, according to The New York Times. I asked Moran if, compared to locals who struggle to pay rent, people who own two or more properties should be considered wealthy. ‘I think that’s wrong,’ he replied.”

Once you’re in a position of wealth and power and mostly surrounded by people who are the same, it can be very, very difficult to see yourself as wealthy, or powerful, much less to understand how your position affects the lives of everyone around you. “These people exist in a world that caters to them,” Wyman has said.

That characterization applies to both types of capital classes and most of the spectrum in between. I don’t think my former neighbor in college was from serious wealth, but from my vantage as someone who grew up on food stamps and who was in college by the grace of that institution’s generous financial aid program, she was pretty well off. She had a bank account. With savings in it. Nobody in my life had ever come near such a thing. Maybe it’s ungenerous of me, but I could easily see her going from insisting she had a right to turn up her music to becoming one of those non-resident homeowners making disparaging comments on Facebook.

“So what do we know about them, these vocal second-home owners?” wrote Bowlin in High Country News. “They worked hard for everything they own. They are clear on this. Their critics, they believe, are often motivated by jealousy. “‘I’m certainly not ‘rich.’ I’ve worked for my entire life to have the properties I own,’ wrote one group member.”

Properties. First of all, owning more than one property of the type described in the article, in a country where millions of children go hungry every day is, yes, rich, no matter how hard you’ve worked. Secondly, we have a problem when the very fact of ownership becomes its own justification. How is that wealth gained? At whose expense? And what impact is one’s ownership having on the local community?

As someone who also lives in a resort town with a high percentage of non-resident homeowners, these are not a minor questions to me. Wealth that translates into property ownership frequently has a terrible and nearly immediate downstream effect on the affordability of homes for people who live and work in that community full-time. Those effects cannot be counterbalanced by tipping generously when you go out to dinner.

Ownership in and of itself is not a value-neutral position. Its injustices compound over time, as the wealthy gain power, influence policy, and use both to acquire yet more wealth. My state’s current multi-millionaire governor, Greg Gianforte, not only used his millions to fund his several political campaigns but last year, with the conservative-dominated state legislature’s help, quietly lowered taxes on the wealthy and raised them on the poor and middle class—a direct wealth transfer from those who have the least, to those who already have the most and are now guaranteed to have more.

The arguments in favor of these kinds of tax policies—that somehow the benefits will “trickle down” to everybody else—wore thin decades ago, as real wages and salaries declined while the wealthy bought more vacation homes. And yet the mindset persists: making the wealthy wealthier will eventually be good for everyone. Someone with wealth can use those assets to benefit the community, if they desire.

But they often don’t desire, and if they do, it often comes with demands that reflect the power wealth has bought. My own community saw this play out less than two years ago, when a billionaire who’d built what looks like a literal palace overlooking the town objected to a zoning adjustment that would have allowed a new development to include affordable housing. The intricacies of that development’s proposal are less important here than the fact that that billionaire went to the town’s community foundation and told them that if the proposal passed city council, the local housing non-profit would never see another dime from him. His wealth, he thought, gave him the right to decide what was best for the community as well as for himself.

“Equating wealth,” wrote Wyman,

“especially generational wealth, with virtue and ability is a deeply American pathology. This country loves to believe that people get what they deserve, despite the abundant evidence to the contrary. Nowhere is this more obviously untrue than with our gentry class. They stand at the apex of the social order throughout huge swathes of the country, and shape our economic and political world thanks to their resources and comparatively large numbers, yet they’re practically invisible in our popular understanding of these things.”

Entitlement whitewashes wealth’s questionable values within the owner’s own mind. It makes all that one does and thinks automatically valuable. It grants people, they believe, the absolute right to do whatever they like with their property regardless of the consequences to others. And just like the problems of white supremacy and Christian nationalism, entitlement isn’t the sole province of high-profile stories located in a few specific enclaves. It’s everywhere.

The fact that there exist wealthy people who don’t buy into the sense of entitlement in a way proves the point: it’s not a requirement of wealth. It is at some level a choice. There are plenty of examples of people with wealth who would prefer less of it in favor of a society where everybody thrives. Musician Brian Eno, for example, has recently spoken out and advocated for higher wealth taxes in Britain, saying,

“I don’t like the thought that half of the population are struggling, and I don’t think there’s any need that they should be struggling. . . . wealth doesn’t trickle down to anybody. I trickles up, actually. . . . Rich people really piss me off.”

People like Eno, and others who quietly do whatever they can with their money to benefit the rest of life, are far outnumbered by, say, those covered in the High Country News article, those who believe that nobody should tell them what they should or can do with their wealth, and very definitely that their wealth shouldn’t be taxed, no matter how detrimental extreme wealth is to a society or how ethically questionable the accumulation of that wealth has been. Only those who own the wealth are entitled to determine what they’re allowed to do with it.

And if the rest of us do benefit from the choices the entitled make in how to employ their wealth and property? Well, we should be grateful that they’re willing to share—or, at the very least, grateful that they’re begrudgingly willing to turn down their music once in a while and throw a few tips our direction.

Maclay Flats just outside Missoula, Montana. I sat right here to record the audio version of this essay. Nothing like running water for some much-needed restoration. I forgot to mention in the audio that it’s a place with a tremendous number of ponderosa pine trees, just behind where I was sitting. My part of Montana further north is not rich in ponderosas and I always like spending time with those big-shouldered relatives when I’m down there.